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Explain How Judicial Review Empowers The Supreme Court Within The System Of Checks And Balances?

Explain How Judicial Review Empowers The Supreme Court Within The System Of Checks And Balances
The principle of judicial review grows out of the principle of checks and balances. Judicial review empowers the judicial branch to determine whether laws passed by the legislative branch, as well as actions taken by the executive branch, conform to the Constitution.

What does the judicial review refer to quizlet?

Judicial Review. Judicial review refers to the power of a court to review a statute, treaty or administrative regulation for constitutionality or consistency with a a superior law. It is the power of the judicial branch of government to decide whether or not acts of government are constitutional.

Which of the following occurs when the US Supreme Court decides an issue?

Which of the following occurs when the U.S. Supreme Court decides an issue? All other courts are obligated to follow the Supreme Court’s ruling.

Which of the following best describes what judicial review is?

Answer: Judicial review is the power of a court to decide whether a law or decision by the government is constitutional. This power was established in the United States in the Supreme Court case Marbury v. Madison. Explanation:

What is the role of the judicial branch in the American system of checks and balances?

Judicial branch It evaluates laws by: Interpreting the meaning of laws. Applying laws to individual cases. Deciding if laws violate the Constitution.

What factors influence U.S. Supreme Court decisions?

Judicial Decision-Making and Implementation by the Supreme Court By the end of this section, you will be able to:

Describe how the Supreme Court decides cases and issues opinions Identify the various influences on the Supreme Court Explain how the judiciary is checked by the other branches of government

The courts are the least covered and least publicly known of the three branches of government. The inner workings of the Supreme Court and its day-to-day operations certainly do not get as much public attention as its rulings, and only a very small number of its announced decisions are enthusiastically discussed and debated.

  1. The Court’s 2015 decision on same-sex marriage was the exception, not the rule, since most court opinions are filed away quietly in the United States Reports, sought out mostly by judges, lawyers, researchers, and others with a particular interest in reading or studying them.
  2. Thus, we sometimes envision the justices formally robed and cloistered away in their chambers, unaffected by the world around them, but the reality is that they are not that isolated, and a number of outside factors influence their decisions.

Though they lack their own mechanism for enforcement of their rulings and their power remains checked and balanced by the other branches, the effect of the justices’ opinions on the workings of government, politics, and society in the United States is much more significant than the attention they attract might indicate.

Watch this video to learn more about judicial decisions. Every Court opinion sets precedent for the future. The Supreme Court’s decisions are not always unanimous, however; the published, or explanation of the justices’ decision, is the one with which a majority of the nine justices agree. It can represent a vote as narrow as five in favor to four against.

A tied vote is rare but can occur at a time of vacancy, absence, or abstention from a case, perhaps where there is a conflict of interest. In the event of a tied vote, the decision of the lower court stands. Most typically, though, the Court will put forward a majority opinion.

If he or she is in the majority, the chief justice decides who will write the opinion. If not, then the most senior justice ruling with the majority chooses the writer. Likewise, the most senior justice in the dissenting group can assign a member of that group to write the ; however, any justice who disagrees with the majority may write a separate dissenting opinion.

If a justice agrees with the outcome of the case but not with the majority’s reasoning in it, that justice may write a, Court decisions are released at different times throughout the Court’s term, but all opinions are announced publicly before the Court adjourns for the summer. Explain How Judicial Review Empowers The Supreme Court Within The System Of Checks And Balances Figure 1. On June 26, 2015, supporters of marriage equality in front of the U.S. Supreme Court building eagerly await the announcement of a decision in the case of Obergefell v. Hodges (2015). (credit: Matt Popovich) Many of the same players who influence whether the Court will grant cert,

In a case, discussed earlier in this chapter, also play a role in its decision-making, including law clerks, the solicitor general, interest groups, and the mass media. But additional legal, personal, ideological, and political influences weigh on the Supreme Court and its decision-making process. On the legal side, courts, including the Supreme Court, cannot make a ruling unless they have a case before them, and even with a case, courts must rule on its facts.

Although the courts’ role is interpretive, judges and justices are still constrained by the facts of the case, the Constitution, the relevant laws, and the courts’ own precedent. A justice’s decisions are influenced by how he or she defines his role as a jurist, with some justices believing strongly in, or the need to defend individual rights and liberties, and they aim to stop actions and laws by other branches of government that they see as infringing on these rights.

A judge or justice who views the role with an activist lens is more likely to use his or her judicial power to broaden personal liberty, justice, and equality. Still others believe in, which leads them to defer decisions (and thus policymaking) to the elected branches of government and stay focused on a narrower interpretation of the Bill of Rights.

These justices are less likely to strike down actions or laws as unconstitutional and are less likely to focus on the expansion of individual liberties. While it is typically the case that liberal actions are described as unnecessarily activist, conservative decisions can be activist as well. Explain How Judicial Review Empowers The Supreme Court Within The System Of Checks And Balances Figure 2. The Supreme Court’s 2003 decision in Lawrence v. Texas that overturned an earlier ruling on sodomy made national headlines and shows that Court rulings can change with the times. Justices’ personal beliefs and political attitudes also matter in their decision-making.

Although we may prefer to believe a justice can leave political ideology or party identification outside the doors of the courtroom, the reality is that a more liberal-thinking judge may tend to make more liberal decisions and a more conservative-leaning judge may tend toward more conservative ones.

Although this is not true 100 percent of the time, and an individual’s decisions are sometimes a cause for surprise, the influence of ideology is real, and at a minimum, it often guides presidents to aim for nominees who mirror their own political or ideological image.

It is likely not possible to find a potential justice who is completely apolitical. And the courts themselves are affected by another “court”—the court of public opinion. Though somewhat isolated from politics and the volatility of the electorate, justices may still be swayed by special-interest pressure, the leverage of elected or other public officials, the mass media, and the general public.

As times change and the opinions of the population change, the court’s interpretation is likely to keep up with those changes, lest the courts face the danger of losing their own relevance. Take, for example, rulings on sodomy laws: In 1986, the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the State of Georgia’s ban on sodomy, but it reversed its decision seventeen years later, invalidating sodomy laws in Texas and thirteen other states.

  • No doubt the Court considered what had been happening nationwide: In the 1960s, sodomy was banned in all the states.
  • By 1986, that number had been reduced by about half.
  • By 2002, thirty-six states had repealed their sodomy laws, and most states were only selectively enforcing them.
  • Changes in state laws, along with an emerging LGBT movement, no doubt swayed the Court and led it to the reversal of its earlier ruling with the 2003 decision, Lawrence v.
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Texas, Heralded by advocates of gay rights as important progress toward greater equality, the ruling in Lawrence v. Texas illustrates that the Court is willing to reflect upon what is going on in the world. Even with their heavy reliance on precedent and reluctance to throw out past decisions, justices are not completely inflexible and do tend to change and evolve with the times.

The Importance of Jury Duty Since judges and justices are not elected, we sometimes consider the courts removed from the public; however, this is not always the case, and there are times when average citizens may get involved with the courts firsthand as part of their decision-making process at either the state or federal levels.

At some point, if you haven’t already been called, you may receive a summons for jury duty from your local court system. You may be asked to serve on federal jury duty, such as U.S. district court duty or federal grand jury duty, but service at the local level, in the state court system, is much more common.

  • While your first reaction may be to start planning a way to get out of it, participating in jury service is vital to the operation of the judicial system, because it provides individuals in court the chance to be heard and to be tried fairly by a group of their peers.
  • And jury duty has benefits for those who serve as well.

You will no doubt come away better informed about how the judicial system works and ready to share your experiences with others. Who knows? You might even get an unexpected surprise, as some citizens in Dallas, Texas did recently when former President George W.

What happens when a decision is made by the U.S. Supreme Court is it binding?

Generally the federal and state courts in the United States are divided into three main parts: · Trial Courts · Intermediate Appellate Courts · Final Appellate Courts Federal Courts: the District Courts are the trial courts, where the action is initially filed; the Court of Appeals is the intermediate appellate court; and the Supreme Court is the final appellate court.

  • · District Courts : are divided into 94 judicial districts.
  • There is at least one district in each state, plus the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico.
  • There are also district courts in the U.S.
  • Virgin Islands, Guam, and the Northern Mariana Islands.
  • There are also two specialized courts: the Court of International Trade and the U.S.

Court of Federal Claims. · Court of Appeals : are divided into 12 regional circuits, each encompassing specific judicial districts. The Court of Appeals decisions are binding on the district courts within its circuit. There is also a Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit, which hears appeals from the specialized district level courts (Court of Int’l Trade and U.S.

  1. Court of Federal Claims), as well as certain specialized cases, such as patent cases · Supreme Court : the Supreme Court hears a limited number of cases, at its discretion, which generally involve important questions of federal law.
  2. The decisions of the Supreme Court are binding on all federal courts, and are binding on state courts regarding issues of the Constitution and federal law.

A case from a state’s highest court may be appealed to the Supreme Court if there is a federal legal question involved. State Courts : also generally have trial courts, intermediate appellate courts, and an appellate court of last resort. Each state uses its own terminology for naming its courts, In New York: · Supreme Court : unlike in the federal system, the New York trial courts are called the Supreme Courts.

There are also the Courts of Claims, the Family Courts, the Surrogate’s Courts, and outside NYC, the County Courts. There are additional trial courts with limited jurisdictions. · Appellate Division : is the intermediate appellate court in New York. In New York, there are four Appellate Divisions of the Supreme Court, one in each of the State’s four Judicial Departments.

· Court of Appeals : is the highest court in New York State. The Court of Appeals articulates state-wide principles of law, generally focusing on broad issues of law.

What is the role of the judicial system in the USA?

Federal courts hear cases involving the constitutionality of a law, cases involving the laws and treaties of the U.S. ambassadors and public ministers, disputes between two or more states, admiralty law, also known as maritime law, and bankruptcy cases.

The federal judiciary operates separately from the executive and legislative branches, but often works with them as the Constitution requires. Federal laws are passed by Congress and signed by the President. The judicial branch decides the constitutionality of federal laws and resolves other disputes about federal laws.

However, judges depend on our government’s executive branch to enforce court decisions. Courts decide what really happened and what should be done about it. They decide whether a person committed a crime and what the punishment should be. They also provide a peaceful way to decide private disputes that people can’t resolve themselves.

What is the role of the judicial branch and why is it important in American democracy?

The judicial branch is in charge of deciding the meaning of laws, how to apply them to real situations, and whether a law breaks the rules of the Constitution. The Constitution is the highest law of our Nation. The U.S. Supreme Court, the highest court in the United States, is part of the judicial branch.

What is the original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of USA?

Background – Article III, Section 1 of the Constitution establishes the Supreme Court of the United States. Currently, there are nine Justices on the Court. Before taking office, each Justice must be appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate.

  1. Justices hold office during good behavior, typically, for life.
  2. The Constitution states that the Supreme Court has both original and appellate jurisdiction.
  3. Original jurisdiction means that the Supreme Court is the first, and only, Court to hear a case.
  4. The Constitution limits original jurisdiction cases to those involving disputes between the states or disputes arising among ambassadors and other high-ranking ministers.

Appellate jurisdiction means that the Court has the authority to review the decisions of lower courts. Most of the cases the Supreme Court hears are appeals from lower courts.

What was the most influential Supreme Court decision?

1. Brown v. Board of Education – Brown v. Board of Education is perhaps one of the most famous cases to have gone through the US Supreme Court. The landmark 1954 case saw justices rule unanimously that the racial segregation of children in public schools was unconstitutional.

Brown v Board of Education helped establish the precedent that “separate-but-equal” education was not in fact equal at all. Back in 1896, the Supreme Court ruled in Plessy v. Ferguson that racially segregated public facilities were legal, provided the facilities were equal. The ruling constitutionally permitted laws that prohibited Black people from sharing the same public facilities as white people, including schools, and established the “separate but equal doctrine”.

The doctrine would remain in place until Brown v. Board of Education in the 1950s — a decade when the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was pushing hard to challenge segregation in public schools. Brown v. Board of Education was actually the name given to five separate cases, all heard by the Supreme Court challenging the constitutionality of segregation in public schools.

  • The cases were: Brown v.
  • Board of Education of Topeka, Briggs v.
  • Elliot, Davis v.
  • Board of Education of Prince Edward County (VA.), Bolling v.
  • Sharpe, and Gebhart v. Ethel,
  • The cases were handled by the NAACP alongside lawyer and civil rights activist Thurgood Marshall.
  • When Brown v.
  • Board of Education of Topeka was initially heard at the US District Court of Kansas, it was agreed that public school segregation had a “detrimental effect upon coloured children” but the decision still upheld the “separate but equal doctrine.” When the case, alongside the others, came before the Supreme Court as one, the justices were initially divided on how to rule on school segregation, with some believing the verdict of Plessy v.
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Ferguson should stand. However, the final decision, issued on May 17, 1954, said ” in the field of public education the doctrine of ‘separate but equal’ has no place,” as segregated schools are “inherently unequal.” As a result, the Court ruled that the plaintiffs were being “deprived of the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the 14th Amendment.”

What happens if the U.S. Supreme Court refuses to hear a case?

If the Supreme Court Denies Cert, the Lower Court Ruling Will Stand – What happens if the Supreme Court decides not to hear your case? The short answer is that it means that the specific case in question is over. The trial court ruling or the last ruling from an appellate court will be allowed to stand.

Can the U.S. Supreme Court invalidate an action taken by the president?

Opinion | How the Founders Intended to Check the Supreme Court’s Power How did we get here? Liberal critics of today’s judicial activism are right when they note that the Supreme Court essentially arrogated to itself the right of judicial review — the right to declare legislative and executive actions unconstitutional — in 1803, in the case of Marbury v.

Madison, There is nothing in the Constitution that confers this power upon the only unelected branch of government. But it is equally true that many of the Constitution’s framers and original proponents intended or at least believed the court would enjoy that prerogative. If context matters — and liberals normally insist that it does — the court is the frontline arbiter of what is, and isn’t, constitutional.

But that doesn’t make the court more powerful than the executive and legislative branches. Acting in concert, the president and Congress may shape both the size and purview of the court. They can declare individual legislative measures or entire topics beyond their scope of review.

It’s happened before, notably in 1868, when Congress passed legislation stripping the Supreme Court of its jurisdiction over cases related to federal writs of habeas corpus. In the majority decision, Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase acknowledged that the court’s jurisdiction was subject to congressional limitation.

Subsequent justices, over the past century, have acknowledged the same. That’s the brilliance of checks and balances. In the same way that Congress or the Supreme Court can rein in a renegade president, as was the case during Watergate, the president and Congress can place checks on an otherwise unconstrained court, if they believe the justices have exceeded their mandate.

In 1801, outgoing President John Adams appointed, and Congress confirmed, a number of “midnight” judicial nominees, in an effort to stymie incoming President Thomas Jefferson. John Marshall, then closing out his tenure as secretary of state, failed to deliver official commissions to several of these justices.

When Jefferson instructed his secretary of state, James Madison, to withhold the commissions, in an effort to deny Adams’ nominees their seats on the bench, one of those confirmed nominees, William Marbury, sued. The case wound its way to the high court.

  • In a decision penned by Marshall, who now served as chief justice, the court held that Madison had violated the law by withholding the commissions but also declined to order him to do so.
  • In the same breath, the court asserted the right to strike down federal or state laws that it deemed unconstitutional.

And so the concept of judicial review came into being. Critics are correct on one point: The Constitution is silent on judicial review. It says only that the “judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish.” But many of the framers assumed that some form of review was a given.

  1. Judicial review as a concept was well-established in 1787.
  2. English courts had long issued rulings upholding or striking down laws — rulings that, in aggregate, and alongside centuries of commentary, formed the basis of England’s unwritten Constitution.
  3. It was certainly well-established in the United States, even on the eve of Marshall’s decision.

Between the Constitution’s ratification and 1803, federal and state judges struck down at least 31 statutes on the grounds that they violated either the federal or state constitutions. These rulings were generally received with silent acquiescence. We also know that many of the Constitution’s framers and loudest proponents anticipated the Supreme Court’s role in adjudicating the constitutionality of laws and actions.

In Federalist Paper 78, Alexander Hamilton said so explicitly, writing: “If it is said that the legislative body is themselves the constitutional judges of their own it may be answered, that this cannot be the natural presumption, where it is not to be collected from any particular provisions in the Constitution.

It is far more rational to suppose, that the courts were designed to be an intermediate body between the people and the legislature, in order, among other things, to keep the latter within the limits assigned to their authority.” Hamilton wasn’t alone.

At least 12 delegates to the Philadelphia convention affirmed the judiciary’s role in reviewing legislative measures, though their interpretations of this power varied. No delegates appear to have argued strongly in the opposite direction. Judicial review was already an established practice in state courts, a point that several delegates noted with approval.

Madison lauded judges in Rhode Island who had “Refused to execute an unconstitutional law.” Elbridge Gerry observed that state judges regularly “set aside laws as being agst. the Constitution.” When other delegates proposed that judges also be given explicit power to veto legislation, Gerry and his fellow Massachusetts delegate, Rufus King, objected, noting that the courts “will have a sufficient check agst.

encroachments on their own department by their exposition of the laws, which involved a power of deciding on their Constitutionality.” Arguing the opposite point, James Wilson advocated additional controls to block bad laws, noting that “aws may be unjust, may be unwise, may be dangerous, may be destructive; and yet not be so unconstitutional as to justify the Judges in refusing to give them effect.” Luther Martin, a delegate from Maryland, argued that “as to the Constitutionality of laws, that point will come before the Judges in their proper official character.

In this character they have a negative on the laws.” Hamilton, arguably the most full-throated proponent of judicial review, similarly wrote that “the interpretation of the laws is the proper and peculiar province of the courts. A constitution is in fact, and must be, regarded by the judges as a fundamental law.

It, therefore, belongs to them to ascertain its meaning as well as the meaning of any particular act proceeding from the legislative body.” The men who gathered in Philadelphia largely agreed that courts would serve as arbiters of what was and was not constitutional. So did delegates to state-level conventions that ratified the new Constitution.

Delegates in seven such meetings discussed the concept of judicial review no fewer than 25 times. In addition, at least 74 federalist pamphlets, published in 12 of the 13 states, affirmed the court’s prerogative to strike down unconstitutional laws. It’s clear from the record that the men who wrote the Constitution intended the Supreme Court, and the lower federal courts, to enjoy a constitutional veto over acts of Congress and of the states.

  1. But they did not intend this power to be unchecked or unlimited.
  2. Deeply ingrained in the Constitution genius are checks and balances.
  3. The president can veto legislation; Congress can override a veto.
  4. The Courts can invalidate an act of Congress or the president.
  5. And the executive and legislative branches enjoy checks against the judiciary.
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The Constitution called for the establishment of a Supreme Court and lower federal courts. It left it to Congress and the president to decide just what shape the judiciary would take. They did so in the Judiciary Act of 1789, which created district courts, circuit (or appellate) courts, and a six-member Supreme Court.

  • Over the years, Congress, with the president’s approval, has increased and decreased the number of justices on the Supreme Court, created and changed the jurisdiction of district and circuit courts, and adjusted the number of federal judges.
  • By now, it’s well-known that Congress can change the size, and thus the composition, of the Supreme Court by simple legislation.

Court-packing, as it’s been called since 1937, when President Franklin Roosevelt unsuccessfully attempted to circumvent a hostile court by expanding its membership, is a deeply controversial practice. Critically, but less widely understood, the Constitution also grants Congress the power to strip the Supreme Court of its jurisdiction over specific matters.

  1. Article III, Section 2 reads: “In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction.
  2. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make.” At least one founder was clear about the intent of Section 2.

Hamilton wrote, “From this review of the particular powers of the federal judiciary, as marked out in the Constitution, it appears that they are all conformable to the principles which ought to have governed the structure of that department, and which were necessary to the perfection of the system.

If some partial inconveniences should appear to be connected with the incorporation of any of them into the plan, it ought to be recollected that the national legislature will have ample authority to make such exceptions, and to prescribe such regulations as will be calculated to obviate or remove these inconveniences.

” Defenders of judicial review appropriately point to Federalist 78 as evidence that Hamilton believed the Constitution contained an implicit power of judicial review. But he also believed that Congress could adjust the court’s jurisdiction. In practice, so few instances exist of jurisdictional stripping that its meaning and scope are open to debate.

  1. But it has happened.
  2. In the late 1860s, federal authorities jailed William McCardle, a newspaper editor, under provisions of the 1867 Military Reconstruction Act.
  3. McCardle sued for his freedom, citing the Habeas Corpus Act of 1867.
  4. Congress denied the justices jurisdiction in the matter, and the court conceded that it was powerless to act.

Writing several decades later, Justice, an FDR appointee, noted that “Congress need not give this Court any appellate power; it may withdraw appellate jurisdiction once conferred and it may do so even while a case is sub judice,” Chief Justice, whom President Richard Nixon placed on the bench, agreed, writing that Congress could pass simple legislation “limiting or prohibiting judicial review of its directives.” No less than the executive and legislative branches, the judiciary — particularly, the Supreme Court — is limited in just how much power it can exert.

But only if Congress and the president exercise their right to check its power. In theory, Congress could very easily pass legislation denying the Supreme Court jurisdiction over a new voting rights act, a law codifying the right to privacy (including abortion rights), and other popular measures. If they so chose, Congress and the president could go further, reducing the court to a shell of its former self, leaving it to adjudicate minor matters of little significance.

Of course, with the filibuster in place, this outcome is about as likely as a bill expanding the court’s membership, which is to say, very unlikely. Would it be wise? A world in which a highly partisan and increasingly unpopular Supreme Court found its jurisdiction routinely boxed out by Congress is hardly a recipe for political stability.

  • With every change of control, a new Congress and president could overturn precedent and lock the court out of its intended role as a constitutional arbiter.
  • Moreover, there would likely be widespread confusion over just what might happen, were Congress to strip the court of its jurisdiction over, say, the state legislative doctrine.

Would it then be left to lower courts to adjudicate cases? And what if they disagreed? Conversely, today’s court majority claims largely unchecked power. John Marshall, the chief justice who first asserted the power of judicial review, was “notably cautious in dealing with cases that might excite Republican or popular sensibilities,” noted historian Charles Sellers.

  • He sought consensus among the associate justices, Federalists and Republicans alike, operated with “restraint” (Sellers) and led with “lax, lounging manners” (Thomas Jefferson) rather than cutting partisanship.
  • He did so because he understood that the court was a new institution, and were it to lose popular support, the powers it claimed for itself would become either unenforceable, or subject to congressional restraint.

Ultimately, it is the responsibility and prerogative of the executive and legislative branches to encourage greater restraint and humility on the part of the judiciary. Judicial review is well-rooted in American political tradition. But so are checks and balances.

  • To save the Supreme Court from itself, Congress might first have to shrink it.
  • CORRECTION: An earlier version of this report misstated what would occur were Congress to strip the Supreme Court of its jurisdiction.
  • There would likely be widespread confusion about the implications.
  • CORRECTION: An earlier version misstated the state from which Elbridge Gerry and Rufus King were delegates to the Constitutional Convention.

: Opinion | How the Founders Intended to Check the Supreme Court’s Power

Why does the United States judicial system have an appeal process?

The Right to Appeal – An appeal is available if, after a trial in the U.S. District Court, the losing side has issues with the trial court proceedings, the law that was applied, or how the law was applied. Generally, on these grounds, litigants have the right to an appellate court review of the trial court’s actions. In criminal cases, the government does not have the right to appeal.

What is a precedent quizlet?

Precedent is a legal principle developed by the courts and refers to the decisions made that will serve for the future. Precedents made in higher courts are followed by lower courts in the same hierarchy. Precedent is based on the principle known as the ‘stare decisis’ this means to stand by what has been decided.

What is the main opinion?

Main opinion is a judicial opinion agreed to by more than half of the judges considering a particular case. The main opinion sets forth the decision of the court. It also includes an explanation of the rationale behind the court’s decision. It is also termed majority opinion.